By Ancient Ruins, a Gay Haven in Cambodia

In Siem Reap, Bon Theorne serves a drink at old-Shanghai-themed Miss Wong. (Arantxa Cedillo for The New York Times

March 21, 2010
By NAOMI LINDT
The New York Times

IT was 10 p.m. in Siem Reap, and while most tourists were tucked in after a long, hot day exploring the temples of Angkor, things were just getting going at a bar called Linga. Pairs of European men in their 30s and 40s wearing unbuttoned collared shirts and checkered krama scarves sipped fruity cocktails and jostled for space with the young Khmer crowd, who huddled around small tables in anticipation of the main event: the Saturday night drag show.

A statuesque Khmer performer who went by the name Beyoncé took to the stage draped in a black, body-skimming floor-length gown and wearing a blond Afro wig. Soon, everyone was on his feet, belting out a song from “Dreamgirls.” The traffic outside literally stopped. Curious travelers, Khmer families and little girls peddling red roses craned their necks to get a better view as the song’s syrupy melody wafted into the jasmine-scented evening air.

Homosexual acts are not outlawed in Cambodia, as they are in a few Southeast Asian countries, but outward displays of affection and untraditional lifestyles are rare. Yet in Siem Reap, a small town that gets about a million tourists a year, gay visitors and locals are carving out a little haven. In the last few years, a small flurry of gay-friendly bars, restaurants and hotels has opened up in the city’s center and beyond, with wink-wink names like the Golden Banana and Cockatoo.

The scene is bolstered partly by Web sites like Cambodia Out (cambodiaout.com), which started in early 2009 and is believed to be the first commercial site in the country devoted to the gay community. Other sites like Utopia (utopia-asia.com) and Sticky Rice (stickyrice.ws), which appeal to gay people throughout Southeast Asia, have also raised the city’s profile.

But the new spots also reflect a growing acceptance, in a country that still hews to age-old Khmer values and where the concept of homosexuality seemed nonexistent until recently. In fact, there is no word for “gay” in Khmer. The most commonly used term is kteuy or ladyboys, based on the misperception by many Cambodians that homosexuals and transvestites are one and the same.

The stereotypes are slowly fading. In 2004, after watching thousands of same-sex couples in San Francisco rush to the altar, Cambodia’s much-loved King Norodom Sihanouk wrote on his Web site that gays should be allowed to marry because God loved a “wide range of tastes.”

His successor and son, King Norodom Sihamoni, holds similar views. “The Cambodian Royal Family, as a whole, share the same point of view as the King-Father,” Sisowath Thomico, a spokesman for the royal family, wrote in an e-mail message. “We’ve always been very tolerant about sexual preferences as some Khmer Royals are/were openly gays/lesbians.”

And last year, a lesbian-themed film by the Khmer novelist and director Phoan Phuong Bopha, “Who Am I?” was a sleeper hit. “Love between people of the same sex is a very new topic in Cambodia,” the director was quoted as saying in The Phnom Penh Post, in an article headlined “Who Am I? Brings Same Sex Issues Out Into the Open.”

The new open-mindedness is attributed to Theravada Buddhism, the predominant religion in Cambodia. “When you’re looking at Buddhist countries, you’re going to encounter an openness and tolerance,” said Caroline Francis, a spokeswoman for the Cambodia field office of Family Health International, a public health organization involved with gay-related health issues. “The religious teachings aren’t being used to arrest or persecute people because they’re gay or lesbian.”

One of the first gay bars to open was Linga, an airy cocktail lounge with artwork on the walls and large windows that face the Passage, a bustling and prominent street. Linga draws a mostly male crowd that’s both Khmer and Western and seems to signal a newfound openness for gay Cambodians. And like many nightclubs throughout Cambodia, prostitution and sex tourism are not hidden from view.

“I grew up in a small town, so I know what it’s like to think, ‘I’m the only one,’ ” said Martin Dishman, 48, a former hotel manager from Greenfield, Ind., who opened Linga in 2004. Perhaps not surprisingly, many of Siem Reap’s most visibly gay bars and hotels are owned by Westerners.

A more refined newcomer is Miss Wong, an old-Shanghai-themed boîte with cherry-red walls and gold silk lanterns. While its owner is gay, it caters to a broader clientele. On a typical night, a mix of men and women, expatriates and tourists, artists and entrepreneurs, and straight and gay people all mingled over lemon-grass-infused vodka concoctions and mocha martinis topped with dollops of chocolate.

But Siem Reap isn’t really a party town. Town life revolves around Angkor Wat, and by sunrise the streets hum with tuk-tuks whisking tourists to the temples. “This will never be the place to swallow four tablets of ecstasy and stay up until 4 a.m., dancing under a full moon in sequin hot pants,” said Dean Williams, an expatriate from New Zealand who owns Miss Wong.

That might explain why there are more gay-owned hotels than bars. The newest and arguably most flamboyant is a male-only resort called Men’s, which features 10 sleek rooms decorated with male nude paintings, a large outdoor swimming pool and a sprawling, black-and-gold tiled sauna and a Jacuzzi.

Upscale travelers prefer Viroth’s Hotel, a graceful seven-room haven in a renovated 1960s modernist house. While Viroth’s does not promote itself as a gay hotel per se, the owners Fabien Martial and Kol Viroth do nothing to hide their 10-year relationship.

And the word seems to be out. On a recent Friday night, the hotel’s nearby restaurant, also called Viroth’s, was filled with a sprinkling of male couples sharing bottles of French wine and dishes like chicken curry and minced pork grilled in kaplou leaves.

But for gay Khmers seeking a home, the place to be is the Golden Banana. It started as a humble B & B that opened in 2004 and has since expanded to three properties, including a stylish boutique resort with 16 rooms that feature platform beds constructed of flecked sugar palm wood and soaking tubs on the terrace.

Guests might include backpackers in T-shirts or silver-haired male couples in matching polo shirts, who mingle freely at the palm- and bamboo-fringed swimming pools, sipping lime and mint iced tea. But under the direction of Dirk de Graaff, an expatriate from the Netherlands, the resort has taken on a second role: as a sanctuary for young Cambodian men exploring their sexual identity.

IN a poor country where traditional family remains strong, young Cambodians are encouraged to marry and have children early. Many same-sex couples in Siem Reap still keep their relationship a secret; some have wives for appearance’s sake. Khmer men who visit gay saunas often conceal their faces behind motorcycle helmets until they’re safely inside. And lesbians remain largely invisible.

Still, things are looking up for the city’s younger gay generation. On a recent evening, young staff members from the Golden Banana — which include both straight and gay men in their early 20s — were laughing it up at the newly opened Heart Rock Bar, an unpretentious dance club across the street from Miss Wong that’s become a popular spot for gay men.

Beyond the glow-in-the-dark hearts on the walls and the stainless-steel cocktail tables, the dark and spacious club offered little décor or ambience, but the crowd of mostly younger Cambodian men didn’t seem to mind. They drank cans of Angkor beer, grooving to Top 40 hits by the Black Eyed Peas and Lady Gaga, smiling broadly late into the night and dancing freely with whomever they liked.

IF YOU GO

HOW TO GET THERE

Flights to Siem Reap from New York require a stopover. A recent online search found a Korean Air flight from Kennedy Airport to Siem Reap, via Seoul, starting at about $1,500.

WHERE TO STAY

* Hotels in Siem Reap commonly give prices in U.S. dollars.
* The Cockatoo Resort (104 Wat Damnak Village; 855-89-986-872; thecockatooangkor.com). Doubles from $80.
* Golden Banana Boutique Resort (Wat Damnak Village; 855-12-654-638; goldenbanana.info). Doubles from $60.
* The One Hotel and Hotel Be Angkor (the Passage; 855-63-965-321; theonehotelangkor.com and hotelbeangkor.com) are separate hotels with one owner in a single building. Doubles from $95.
* Men’s Resort & Spa (near Wat Po Lanka; 855-63-963-503; mens-resort.com). Doubles from $55.
* Viroth’s Hotel (Street 23; 855-63-761-720; viroth-hotel.com). Doubles from $80.

WHERE TO EAT AND DRINK

* Linga Bar (the Passage; 855-12-246-912; lingabar.com).
* Miss Wong (the Lane; 855-92-428-332).
* Viroth’s Restaurant (246 Wat Bo Street; 855-12-826-346; viroth-hotel.com).

Cambodia's Mobile Market Had Passed the 4 Million Subscriber Milestone Earlier In 2009

Research and Markets: With 29% Mobile Penetration in Cambodia by March 2009, Cambodia's Mobile Market Had Passed the 4 Million Subscriber Milestone Earlier In 2009

March 18, 2010
By Business Wire

Research and Markets (http://www.researchandmarkets.com/research/b821be/cambodia_telecom) has announced the addition of the "Cambodia - Telecoms, Mobile, Internet & Forecasts" report to their offering.

Executive summary

Despite its status as a least developed country and remaining one of the poorer countries in Southeast Asia, Cambodia’s efforts to expand and upgrade its telecom infrastructure are bearing fruit. There was very little infrastructure remaining from before the tumultuous Khmer Rouge days. As a result, Cambodia bypassed rebuilding the fixed-line market and quickly launched into alternative technologies, jump-starting its telecommunications infrastructure with digital technology. Not surprisingly, mobile services have completely overwhelmed the market. By early 2009, there were nine mobile operators vigorously competing with each other in a market segment that was growing at an annual rate of more than 50%. There were 4.3 million mobile subscribers (penetration 29%) in the country by March 2009. The market was still in a very strong growth phase, as evidenced by the keenness shown by foreign operators seeking to be part of it.

Some limited fixed-line growth had earlier come about through investment under foreign assistance, but this has mainly benefited Phnom Penh and geographical coverage has not increased significantly since that effort in the 1990s. The number of fixed-line services was relatively static at around 40,000 by 2008. In the absence of any real fixed-line growth, mobile telephone services continue to completely dominate the overall telecom market in Cambodia, with mobiles representing more than 99% of the total number of telephone services in the country. This disparity has been growing more significant each year.

The expansion of Internet services has also been overshadowed by the mobile phenomenon. In fact Internet take-up remains disturbingly low, one of the lowest penetrations in the region. Of course, the limited fixed line infrastructure has been a major inhibiting factor in the roll-out of both dial-up and ADSL Internet services. One encouraging feature has been the general availability of Internet access in provincial towns.

It is worthwhile noting that wireless technology has been especially advantageous for Cambodia in achieving rapid network rollout and replacement of a fixed network badly damaged by 20 years of war. In addition to the thriving mobile networks, Wireless Local Loop has been useful for rapid provision of a limited number of fixed-line services. However, while Cambodia has exemplified the fact that WLL offers a viable option for rapidly expanding telecom access in developing countries with low levels of fixed infrastructure, the potential of this technology has yet to be fully exploited in the country.

Key highlights:

The year 2008 saw Cambodia's mobile market continue on its positive expansion path, with annual growth of 56% for the year and continuing at 50%+ into 2009;

With 29% mobile penetration by March 2009, the mobile market had passed the 4 million subscriber milestone earlier in 2009;

With 3 new mobile operators coming to the market in 2008/09, Cambodia has a total of 9 operators in what has become a crowded and highly competitive market;

The development of fixed-line and Internet services continue to languish; the latter is particularly disconcerting as online access is crucial to national growth;

On the broader political front, National Assembly elections were held in 2008, with Hun Sen being returned to power; while the elections were generally regarded as credible, deficiencies remain.

Bloody desperation for Thailand's reds

Asia Times Online
By Shawn W Crispin
Mar 17, 2010

BANGKOK - Despite a made-for-television mass rally, rousing speeches, a phone-in from their exiled leader and a bizarre bloodletting ritual, Thailand's United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) ultimately lacks the means and legitimacy to force Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's 15-month-old coalition government from power.

Intense media coverage of the red shirt-wearing protest currently assembled in Bangkok's old town has often portrayed the rally as indication of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's enduring political clout. But as the rally loses steam in its third day and stokes new tensions among prominent members of his political camp, it now more accurately appears a reflection of Thaksin's growing political and personal desperation than an organic pro-democracy movement.

While the red shirt-wearing protest group has failed to mobilize anywhere near the one million protesters its organizers had vowed to truck from the provinces to the national capital to pressure the government to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, it has succeeded in rallying Thaksin's popular support base, which hails mainly from the poor northern and northeastern provinces.

A series of strategic missteps, including Thaksin's antagonistic alliance with Cambodian Premier Hun Sen and his open association with rogue military elements who have threatened to launch bombing and assassination campaigns across Bangkok, has sown deep divisions in his disparate political camp, consisting of the UDD, the opposition Peua Thai party and networks among active police and retired military officials. Some in his camp have questioned the coherence and relevance of the UDD's current drive to draw blood from weather weary protesters to splatter in protest at Government House.

That said, the rally has at least temporarily remobilized Thaksin's populist symbolism and served as a potent reminder to the sincere pro-democracy faction in his camp that has angled to disassociate the movement from his personality that they remain reliant on his popular, if not financial, pulling power. It's unclear to analysts how many of the 100,000-plus protesters on Sunday came of their own accord and how many were paid to participate, as certain news reports and Thaksin critics have suggested. But Thaksin's likeness clearly featured more prominently than pro-democracy or universal justice themes on protesters' red shirts and signboards.

Based on the memory of last April's UDD-led riots in Bangkok and Pattaya, many feared the current mass rally might tilt towards violence and that the military would be called in to suppress it. Last year's riots were sparked partially by Thaksin's call to his red-shirt supporters to launch a "social revolution" against the government. Many analysts wonder if the exiled fugitive from justice will resort to brinksmanship to push his agenda and restore his wealth after a Thai court ruled on February 26 for the seizure of US$1.4 billion of his assets on charges of abuse of power.

The government has strategically played up the threat, citing intelligence it apparently received from the United States that the protests could turn violent, as justification for pre-emptively invoking the Internal Security Act (ISA). Abhisit has repeatedly invoked the draconian measure that gives the military special powers to maintain law and order, since last April's riots. That's raised UDD criticism that he is presiding over a slow but steady militarization of Thai society.

Since the current UDD rally commenced, security forces have raided two factories allegedly involved in the production of parts used in M-79 grenade launchers. The weapon has been used in various unexplained but clearly politicized attacks, including a blast last month that damaged a military headquarters near army commander General Anupong Paochinda's offices and a remote assault on Tuesday against Bangkok's 1st Infantry Division in which two soldiers were injured.

A UDD core member, Weng Tojirakarn, told Asia Times Online that the government has manufactured the attacks and weapons seizures to justify the suppression of red-shirt demonstrators. Yet another UDD organizer confirmed in November - when the protest group first threatened but later retreated from organizing a self-styled "million man" march - that a Peua Thai parliamentarian from Bangkok had organized and paid motorcycle taxi drivers to stir violence during the rally.

Simple symbols

Against the backdrop of real or imagined threats, UDD leaders have proclaimed throughout to be fighting non-violently for democracy and universal justice - made clear to foreign reporters through the English language signboards posted and strategically held by demonstrators at the front of the protest's main stage. They have portrayed Abhisit as a puppet of the military and bureaucratic elite, which they claim played a behind-the-scenes role in cobbling together his coalition government.

Thaksin touched on those same themes during a phone-in address on Sunday night in which he criticized the Supreme Court verdict that ruled to seize his assets as an indication of the entrenched double standards in Thai society that favor the rich and powerful over the poor. (Although he has publicly criticized the verdict, Thaksin has yet to refute in detail why the verdict lacked legal merit). He implied that a "bureaucratic elite" that opposes democracy and conspired in toppling his democratically elected government in 2006 was behind the verdict.

What strikes many long-time observers of the country's politics is the UDD's apparent collective amnesia of Thaksin's own anti-democratic record, marked by his efforts to bypass parliamentary processes, undermine checking and balancing institutions and pressure the free press, and the benefits he reaped through close relations with the bureaucratic elite, including the privileged state-granted telecom concessions he leveraged into a multi-billion dollar personal fortune.

While the UDD clamors for Abhisit to dissolve parliament and hold new elections it has failed to give voice to the fact that a controversial Peua Thai politician, Chalerm Yoobamrung, would most likely run as the party's prime ministerial candidate. His son, Duangchalerm, was accused of murdering an off-duty police officer in 2001 and many say Chalerm epitomizes the double standards that favor the powerful over the poor. Duangchalerm was acquitted due to insufficient evidence in 2004 and is now a father-propelled, rising political star.

Those glaring oversights to the UDD's self-styled pro-democracy agenda have led many royalists to the conclusion that group leaders have a hidden anti-royal agenda - a charge UDD stalwarts deny. They believe the pressure group's sustained criticism of previously untouchable royal advisory privy councillors is the front edge of a campaign to diminish the royal institution's role after the eventual succession from the highly revered Bhumibol Adulyadej to his heir-apparent son, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn.

As the UDD ratcheted up tensions in the run-up to Thaksin's asset case verdict, including a never-realized threat to march on a local hospital where the ailing 82-year-old monarch is recuperating from a long spell of ill-health, Bhumibol resumed several of his ceremonial roles, including a symbolic meeting with local judges whom he encouraged to rule with "righteousness" in the cases in which they adjudicated.

Ahead of the current UDD rally, local newspapers ran on their front pages a portrait of Abhisit sitting with Bhumibol and the monarch's adopted stray dog. One palace insider claimed that Bhumibol called the meeting to assure the prime minister that under no circumstances would Thaksin be given a royal amnesty - similar to the one granted to restore stability after the military's bloody crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in 1992.

The lines of democratic division are less clear now and Thailand's grinding political conflict is best understood as a power struggle between competing elite camps with divergent visions for the country's post-Bhumibol future. Thaksin's and the UDD's calls for democracy and social justice mask a game of non-ideological power politics that his side is clearly losing to the conservative forces that have coalesced against him. It's thus perhaps symbolic that the blood the UDD plans to pour in protest at Government House will spring from self-inflicted wounds.

Shawn W Crispin is Asia Times Online's Southeast Asia Editor.