Monday, May 25, 2009

Metropolis: Angkor, the world's first mega-city



Angkor Wat before sunset

The discovery that the famous Cambodian temple complex sits in the midst of a vast settlement the size of London, which flourished until the 15th century, has astounded archaeologists - but also baffled them: why did it disappear? By Kathy Marks

(Excepted from The Independent, UK, published on Wednesday, 15 August 2007)

The huge sandstone temples of Angkor, built nearly 1,000 years ago and unearthed from the Cambodian jungle in the last century, are considered one of man's most outstanding architectural achievements. Last year more than a million tourists wandered through the ruins and watched the sun rise over the main temple's distinctive towering spires.

But, magnificent though the temple complex may be, it tells only part of the story of Angkor: a thriving metropolis, the world's first mega-city so mysteriously abandoned in the 15th century, and the former capital of the vast Khmer empire.

An international team of archaeologists has ascertained that the temple environs were just the core of a sprawling urban settlement that covered 700 square miles - a similar size to Greater London. They have spent 15 years mapping the area and putting together a picture of life in what is now established to have been the world's largest medieval city.

Angkor Wat View from the Air


The "lost city of Angkor" was painstakingly uncovered by French archaeologists who spent much of the last century rescuing it from the forest and restoring it. Not surprisingly, they concentrated their efforts on the massive temples, which were built between the ninth and 13th centuries as monuments to the power and wealth of the Khmer kings. The rest of the region remained carpeted with vegetation, with few remnants of the ancient civilisation visible to the human eye at ground level.

A French, Cambodian and Australian team used aerial photographs, satellite imagery and high-resolution ground-sensing radar, provided by Nasa, to investigate what lay beneath the green cloak. What they found was the remains of 74 temples, as well as the sites of thousands of houses, roads, embankments, canals and ponds - all believed to have been part of an extensive, interconnected residential complex that included a large system of waterways. The team has just published its findings, together with a detailed map, in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, a US journal.

Damian Evans, an Australian archaeologist who is deputy director of the Greater Angkor Project, said yesterday: "People never really considered Angkor as being much more than a scattering of temples in the landscape. In fact, it would have been a huge and popular city, full of life."

He and his colleagues report in their paper that, "even on a conservative estimate, greater Angkor at its peak was the world's most extensive pre-industrial low-density urban complex" - far larger than the ancient Mayan cities of central America, for instance, which covered 100 square miles at most. Mr Evans, who is based at the University of Sydney's archaeological computing library, said the Khmers of 1,000 years ago appear to have lived very similar lives to modern-day Cambodians. "They lived in clusters of houses on raised mounds to keep above the floodwaters in the wet season," he added.

Angkor Wat appears from the fox


"The mounds were in clusters, and scattered through them were these small village ponds. Between the houses were rice fields. And the core of this system was the village temple, in much the same way that Buddhist temples are the core of contemporary Cambodian communities."

The Khmer people subsisted on rice agriculture, just as many Cambodians still do, and the water management system - designed to trap water coming down the hills in the north - was partly used for irrigation, it is believed. The village ponds, from 25 to 60ft long, were used for drinking and domestic purposes during the dry season, as well as for watering livestock.

Mr Evans said the newly discovered temples, were not grand, like those at the heart of Angkor. Most now consist only of a pile of brick rubble, plus the occasional sandstone doorframe or pedestal, which once bore a statue. But while they hold little interest for tourists, they are valuable archaeological finds - and there are nearly 100 others out there, the team believes.

Mr Evans said the temples not only had a religious function, but were centres of taxation, education and water control. "So they can tell us about the everyday life at Angkor," he said.

A succession of Khmer kings ruled the Angkor area from about 800 AD, producing the architectural masterpieces and sculpture now preserved as a World Heritage site. By the 13th century the civilisation was in decline, and most of Angkor was abandoned by the early 15th century, apart from Angkor Wat, the main temple, which remained a Buddhist shrine. When the lost city - swallowed by the jungle for centuries - was rediscovered, archaeologists were, understandably, absorbed by the need to rescue and conserve the dozen or so main temples and their bas-relief carvings. Few excavations were carried out outside the temple precinct.

One of the best Apsara in Angkor Wat


"No one really thought to look beyond them and into the broader landscape, to see how people actually lived," Mr Evans said.

By the 1960s it was clear that rich archaeological pickings lay beyond the walled city. A programme was put in place to investigate the wider area, but never got off the ground because of civil war, followed by the advent of the Khmer Rouge and Pol Pot's murderous regime. It was not until the 1990s that the security situation improved, enabling work to resume. But when the international mapping team started their project, they still needed an armed escort for protection in certain areas. And even now, Mr Evans said he never steps off marked paths, because of the risk posed by unexploded landmines.

Until now, Angkor was never looked at as an extended urban area. The city was thought to consist of the central walled precinct, covering about one square mile, where tens of thousands of people lived. "No one really considered the fact that there might be an urban fabric that stretched between and beyond the temples of Angkor," Mr Evans said.

The settlement mapped by the team existed from AD500 to AD1500, and could have supported a population of up to one million people. But some of the terrain may have been sparsely populated, particularly in outlying areas. "Now we have the map, we can quantify this residential space," Mr Evans said.

"We can start to do proper demographic studies and work out how many people were living on these mounds. But we can say now, from a preliminary point of view, that it would have had a population of several hundred thousand, at least."

The city was criss-crossed by roadways and canals, and was similar to modern cities that suffer from urban sprawl. Mr Evans said: "It had the same sort of dense core and pattern of spreading out into rural areas."

The team may also have found the key to Angkor's collapse - or, at least, confirmed an existing theory: that the city "built itself out of existence". Mr Evans said: "The water management system, in particular, had the potential to create some very serious environmental problems and radically remodel the landscape. You can see the city pushing into forested areas, stripping vegetation and re-engineering the landscape into something that was completely artificial.

"The city was certainly big enough, and the agricultural exploitation was intensive enough, to have impacted on the environment. Angkor would have suffered from the same problems as contemporary low-density cities, in terms of pressure on the infrastructure, and poor management of natural resources like water. But they had limited technology to deal with these problems and failed to, ultimately, perhaps."

The team also found evidence of embankments that had been breached, and of ad hoc repairs to bridges and dams, suggesting that the water system had become unmanageable over time. Mr Evans said over-population, deforestation, topsoil erosion and degradation, with subsequent sedimenation or flooding, could have been disastrous for medieval residents.

Excavations in the next few years will examine the theory in more detail, and try to gather more data, for instance, on sedimentation in the canals.

The radar images provided by Nasa distinguished the contours of the landscape under the surface of the earth, identifying the location of roads and canals. The radar also showed up different levels of soil moisture in the rice fields. When excavations were carried out, they proved to have been the site of a canal or temple moat. The new archaeological evidence will pose a challenge for conservationists, as the current World Heritage site covers 150 square miles, which are intensively managed and protected.

From one side of Angkor Wat


Cambodian authorities, meanwhile, are grappling with the problem of how to preserve the precious ruins within the temple precinct from increasing numbers of visitors. Just 7,600 people ventured to Angkor in 1993, when it was added to Unesco's World Heritage list. Since then, with Cambodia becoming accepted as a "safe" destination, tourism has boomed. The government is expecting three million visitors in 2010, and many of those will head to the temples. Angkor Wat is now one of south-east Asia's leading attractions.

Tourism, which brought impoverished Cambodia $1.5bn (£750m) in revenue last year, is helping the country to rebuild after its long dark period. But Soeung Kong, deputy director-general of the Aspara Authority, which oversees Angkor's upkeep, told Agence France Press recently: "The harm to the temples is unavoidable when many people walk in and out of them. We are trying to keep that harm at a minimal level."

Teruo Jinnai, Unesco's senior official in Cambodia, said: "When you have such a huge mass of tourists visiting, then we are concerned about damage to the heritage site and the temples and the monuments. Many temples are very fragile."

The main problem lies in Siem Reap, the nearby town that has mushroomed in recent years to accommodate the growing numbers of tourists. There are more than 250 guesthouses and hotels, and they have been sucking up groundwater and destabilising the earth beneath Angkor. At least one monument, the Bayon temple, famous for the serene faces carved on its 54 towers, is collapsing into the sandy ground - a development confirmed by its sinking foundations, and widening cracks between its carefully carved stones.

Friday, May 22, 2009

A future in the balance

Thursday, 21 May 2009
Written by Rod Brazier
The Phnom Penh Post

"The CPP's legitimacy depends largely on maintaining rapid improvements in the quality of life. Basic, first generation economic reforms are in place, but the high-growth trajectory of recent years will hit limits imposed by rampant corruption and cronyism. Extracting continued rapid growth will require painful choices by the Cambodian leadership that will impinge on the interests of entrenched party elites. This is where the rubber will hit the road for reform: when economic growth is crimped by cronyism."
A few final reflections on the situation in Cambodia from the Asia Foundation's outgoing country director.

THE Cambodian People's Party (CPP) has consolidated its position as the dominant political force in Cambodia. Until the global financial crisis struck, political stability had led to a dramatic increase in investor interest, generating a surge in investment and economic growth.

The CPP won a resounding victory in the July 2008 national elections, elections which were recognised by the international community as free and fair. The CPP enjoys widespread support today owing to the stability and economic growth that have occurred in recent years. Outside, it's not well understood that this government is truly very popular, despite some authoritarian tendencies.

That's because Cambodia has made remarkable progress over the past 15 years. Starting from a very low base, key indicators of human welfare, such as maternal and child mortality, have improved dramatically.

The opening of the economy in the 1990s gave initial impetus to economic growth and job creation. The main drivers of growth have been the garment sector, tourism, construction in Phnom Penh and Siem Reap, and public spending.

Remittances from garment factory workers to the rural country-side have been an important source of income transfer to those areas, while the very large agricultural and fisheries sectors act as buffers against economic turmoil.

All round, a very good picture for a country that was still at war with itself little more than a decade ago.

The political consolidation by the CPP over the last several years has changed the context in which Cambodia will develop over the next few years. One-party rule has replaced fractious politics. Growth and development are top priorities.

The emphasis on economic growth holds promise for increasing prosperity for ordinary Cambodians, but possibilities for re-emergence of an open pluralistic polity are greatly reduced.

In addition, the global financial crisis threatens to undermine the anti-poverty gains of recent years and to exacerbate the nascent social tensions arising from the visible gap between rich and poor.

Therefore, the main challenges for the country over the next few years will be to sustain the current pace of economic development and reduce poverty, while addressing the worst abuses arising from a system of governance that has resisted reform in the past.

I have a few scattered observations about Cambodia, gleaned from almost three years in Phnom Penh. Many of you have been here longer than I have, so forgive me if any observations are shallow.

The international community is woefully under-informed about Cambodia

Compared to the international communities in neighbouring countries, the international community here in Phnom Penh is terribly ignorant about the political economy of Cambodia.

I hasten to add that I include myself in this category. As a group - for there are very few exceptions - we know very little about the politics that matters in Cambodia. There is, of course, the noisy, quarrelsome discourse that is carried out in the headlines between the government and the opposition. Despite the high volume and frankness of the exchanges, I don't think this is where the action is politically. To me, the internal politics of the CPP are more intriguing and far more consequential, for several reasons:
  • The CPP is extremely disciplined and little internal friction ever becomes apparent - at least in decipherable ways - in public. A few ripples appeared on the surface after the sudden death of Hok Lundy last November, but otherwise very little specific information about internal dissension ever becomes known outside tight circles. The workings of the CPP are especially mysterious to those of us who do not speak Khmer.
  • The CPP's grip on power means that mid-term change and reform is likely to emerge from within the CPP rather than through formal competition with the other parties.
  • Those of us who engage with different parts of the government see great variation from one ministry to the next - there are many opportunities to work cooperatively and fruitfully with the government on reform activities. Partners need to do their homework on who should be engaged beyond those listed on the government organagrams.
"I am cautiously optimistic about Cambodia. The focus ... has shifted from winning the political contest and seizing power to governing well and staying popular by delivering infrastructure and services."
The government is not hostile towards all NGOs

Relations between the CPP and NGOs - both local and international - have been occasionally thorny. Broadly, though, relations are improving, and I see two reasons for this:
  • The CPP is more confident as it ascends politically and so feels less vulnerable to criticism.
  • Reform-minded officials see value in close relations with some NGOs, both as sources of feedback on performance and as providers of expertise. We see this very vividly in our interaction with the Ministry of Interior, where the appetite for cooperation seems to be insatiable. We also see it in our work with the Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA) on counter-trafficking. Of course, there are dinosaurs and hold-outs.
There is a general assumption that the draft NGO Law is designed to rein in NGOs. No. NGO laws are a common feature of many countries' legal landscape.

Reading the latest draft, one can't find so much that's objectionable. One clause on political activity is problematic, and the sanctions for some types of non-compliance are rather heavy, but it is still a draft. I have begged my colleagues to view it as a draft and to take up the government's offer to consult. But perceptions are stubborn, and some letters have been written that have been counter-productive. The Asia Foundation has not signed those letters because we want to enter consultations in good faith.

Inequality and under-investment in education are growing as concerns

Cambodia is probably on a very positive and well-trodden Asian path to development. In several respects, though, it is deviating in ways that could threaten long term development prospects:
  • Inequality. Newly Industrialising Countries (NICs) have typically seen gini co-efficient, a numerical expression of inequality used by social scientists, narrow; it's getting wider in Cambodia. Eventual social consequences but also political and welfare concerns should be a cause for concern in this area.
  • Education. Investment in education is dismal. All the latest and finest academic work shows that governments can make no better single investment than in education. Dollar for dollar investment in education brings greater benefit to a country and its people than any other. I don't see Cambodia investing enough in its people's education. Certainly, we see a hunger for personal improvement and a new generation of bright and ambitious young Cambodians seems to be emerging. But not all will be able to secure international education.
External perceptions of Cambodia are sticky

It's only a little more than a decade since Battambang was captured briefly by the Khmer Rouge. Cambodia is small, and positive developments here are seldom heard in the din of the 24-hour news cycle. This is unfortunate. A vivid demonstration of this is the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) report.

The EIU published two reports in March 2009. One was the regular Country Report about Cambodia. Nothing in that report was objectionable.

In fact it was a sober, sensible report that no one in this room would likely find controversial.

The report that has caused so much anger here is called Manning the Barricades, a 32-page report that mentions Cambodia once.

Manning the Barricades with global coverage that purports, among other claims, to rank countries by the risk of political instability. Some of the indicators included were: inequality, state history, trust in institutions, and corruption. These are reasonable.

The government erred badly in complaining so loudly about this report because the complaints brought prominence to a single mention of Cambodia on page 16 of the report that would otherwise have gone largely unnoticed. The rush by business groups and others to condemn the EIU was equally unhelpful and merely nourished an incorrect perception.

Sustaining rapid economic growth: not a straight shot

The CPP's legitimacy depends largely on maintaining rapid improvements in the quality of life. Basic, first generation economic reforms are in place, but the high-growth trajectory of recent years will hit limits imposed by rampant corruption and cronyism. Extracting continued rapid growth will require painful choices by the Cambodian leadership that will impinge on the interests of entrenched party elites. This is where the rubber will hit the road for reform: when economic growth is crimped by cronyism.

This problem is most dramatically illustrated in problems related to land issues. Foreign investors say that uncertainties over land are the single biggest concern, and often the reason that potential new investors walk away. It's worth noting that the prime minister himself has warned countless times about the dangers of continued land-grabbing. Yet it persists. Other similar pressures will emerge over time to test the government's commitment to market-led growth.

The government must reduce these vulnerabilities by fixing fundamental policy weaknesses. A key to improving economic governance will be to nurture and empower the small group of Western-educated technocrats within the Ministry of Economy and Finance, and scattered throughout other ministries and departments.

This group is more outward looking and reform-minded and is believed to have close ties to the pragmatic Prime Minister Hun Sen. We need to nurture and support these people, for they will face heavy challenges in the coming years that will determine the pace and trajectory of economic reform and development in Cambodia.

I have spent some time listing weaknesses and vulnerabilities. But we must also acknowledge the enormous strides that the Cambodian people have taken.

From civil war and unimaginable sorrow and misery just a generation ago, to a normal, developing country encountering the typical range of challenges that every other country in the region has faced. The good news is that others have shown it is possible to overcome these impediments.

But it is long, slow work and, in some respects, the early years are the easiest. I am cautiously optimistic about Cambodia. The focus of government has shifted from winning the political contest and seizing power to governing well and staying popular by delivering infrastructure and services.

This is a watershed transition that hasn't been noted enough. In the words of my friend His Excellency Roland Eng, who said five years ago: "We used to talk politics, now we talk policy."
---------------
The Asia Foundation's Cambodia country director Rod Brazier has been in Cambodia for three years. He is leaving the Kingdom shortly to take up a position with the Australian government in Canberra. On April 24, 2009, he spoke to the American Cambodian Business Council. What follows is an excerpted version of his speech to AmCham members.

Thursday, May 21, 2009

Japan's special melons 'only' $5,200 a pair

Japan's special melons 'only' $5,200 a pair

Recession means first Yubaris of 2009 fetch far less than other years

Image: Japan's pricey melons


updated 9:15 a.m. PT, Fri., May 15, 2009

TOKYO - The latest victim of Japan's recession is round, sweet and famous for being shockingly expensive.

The first two Yubari melons of the season were auctioned Friday in northern Japan and fetched $5,200. Pricey? Certainly. But it's practically a steal if you consider last year's winning bid — a record 2.5 million yen, or about $26,000. In 2007 they sold for about $20,000.

It appears the world's swankiest melon is in a major deflationary slump.

Weighing about eight pounds, the premium cantaloupes were part of the season's initial harvest at Sapporo Central Wholesale Market. Every year buyers flock to the market for a shot at the prestige of winning the very first melons of the year.

The orange-fleshed melons are grown only in the city of Yubari, a small town on the northern island of Hokkaido. Valued for their perfect proportions and taste, they are typically given as gifts by Japanese during the summer.

The other melons at the first auction aren't quite as expensive, but even those tumbled in price this year. The average price Friday of 84 melons was about $400, down from $630 last year, according to the Sankei newspaper.

Image problem?
Department stores and high-end retailers sell the fruit to the public for $50 to $100, though prices can run much higher depending on quality.

Yubari official Kaoru Hirano says the dramatic drop in this year's winning bid is actually good for the financially strapped city, which needs its melon industry to buck the recession.

"I think last year was highly unusual," Hirano said. "Such a high price gave the melons a bit of an image problem. Everyone began to think that they were just too expensive, and this hurt the average retailer."


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